MENGELE's BLOG

  Communism is the product of late-term national regime Gheorghiu-Dej and the targeted system legitimacy in terms of his first attempts of detachment from under Moscow. Repudiated the years of Stalinism, labeled a product of culture and ideology of bourgeois nationalism was crushed by the communist internationalism. Decade VI was dramatically Romanian culture and spirituality. Leading exponents of the culture wars do not apucasera pact with the devil, were placed on the index, and some even murdered. Cultural orientation towards the West, which constitute major historical direction in the last century and to which we owe to modernize Romania conceptual reinforcement was interrupted brutally. All humanities disciplines that înflorisera the interwar years - such as sociology, philosophy, historiography, psychology, economics - were either destroyed or diverted by the criteria of primitive jdanovismului - cultural variant of Stalinism. The mid-50s, the system experienced a first breach in the Stalinist orthodoxy, accepting a number of old scholars in research institutes. Even if they will make many concessions to the regime, without their guidance, it is difficult to imagine training a young generation of intellectuals in the early 60s 1. The new nationalism, better curb the Stalinist orthodoxy, was to nutreasca broadly, from the old one. At first glance, is a contradiction in terms: the Bucharest regime preserve ideological obedience, but launches themes and then even a nationalist program.

  The Romanian case will evolve in a distinct way compared to other experiences in the East. Let us note, first, that nationalism has a strong echo in politics and culture of the interwar period, both the plateau intelligentsia and the crowd at 2. Work of national construction, based on the idea of specific and common identity of the inhabitants of the Romanian territory, had initially given a cultural dimension, the creation of the Romanian elites of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Romanian nationalism was nurtured in two basic sources: the recovery of the Enlightenment idea of Latinity Transylvania and Western liberal ideas. Adapted Romanian geopolitical context, liberalism became the political and cultural elites ideational support of the Romanian nation right to self-determination and emancipation. In Romania, as in the entire Central European Moreover, nationalism was closer to the model herderian covering history, language and culture, than to democracy and political rights of citizens, as the French model. And this despite the clear impact of the ideas of the French Revolution 3. The West has become a dominant element in the vision of Romanian elites since 1848. Yearning for an ideal unit of the nation was realized by a Westernized generation to integrate the Romanian nationalist philosophy, liberal themes of institutional modernization, economic, political and social. Reacting to the orientation of elites forty-eighters imitative school of thought was the work of traditionalist and conservative. They reject the Western model calchierea supporters in favor of turning national character 4.

  Based of the movement, the current will yield the traditional voice emblematic figures of Romanian culture from the late nineteenth century, and Eminescu Iorga Stere later. Gandirism and interwar trairismul will develop, in effect, ultranationalist, themes and ideas that cultural directions. Peasant Revolt of 1907, which revealed Slow implementation of social reform or even reject them, has generated an explosion antisemitic political class conducting the Jews, resentment of the peasantry. Gradually, antisemitism was integrated solid Romanian nationalism, which has evolved as to xenophobia. In the interwar years, Bolshevism was associated Romanian political class, Judaism. Thus, anti-Semitism was enriched with a new theme. Threats to the country resulting in the interwar years, Judeo-Masonic conspiracy obsession and mentality of "fortress under siege?. Nationalist elites have founded an instinctive nationalism, pre-Christian spirituality and mysticism, the Geto-Dacian.

  Social grievances will be favorable ground for the building of messianic nationalism of the late '30s. Worsening economic situation the country was attributed revisionists and Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy. In the interwar years, the doctrine and program nationalist right was a synthesis between the nationalist ethos of the intelligentsia and the rural religious spirit. Unlike bourgeois nationalism in the nineteenth century, the aristocratic times that were moderate, messianic nationalism of the interwar years combined in a formula sui generis intellectual nationalism, populism Orthodox and social protest.

  Neo-communist nationalism began with the recovery of the past. This is largely price, handling. Testing occurred after a decade past the official ideology aneantizase national values, or censor them, sternly. National history was reshaping, depending on whether the new shirt of Nessus's dictated by ideology Moscow. The establishment of historical truth is for the party. The start makes the unknown Michael Roller, in 1947, two works by the bedside of the new historiographical directions: history booklet issues and volume History of Romania. Opportunistic service of the period opened, Constantin Daicoviciu, anointed the 1948 academic year, production of Roller's last encounter with a zeal appartcik dozen "is a bedside book, is a fact of today's capital, is a valuable school teaching and true patriotism? 5. In the decades to come, this language will be an unjust career. Instead of the old school of history, which made the reputation of Romanian historiography, was built "historical front?. Also in 1948, the reorganization of higher education leading to employment of former faculties of letters and philosophy in the "ideological front?. Meanwhile, the most important names of Romanian historiography, and Ioan Lupas, Al. Lapedatu, PP Panaitescu, George Bratianu, V. Papacostea etc., Were left out. In their place appeared new stars of the regime, and P. Constantinescu-Iasi, B. Lazarescu and many others, ejusdem farinae. They will prepare the generation that populates culturnicilor historiography party schools and colleges of profile. The application of Marxism in historical thinking and analysis of the past becomes the task of culturnicilor bedside. Historiography is assigned the role of agent of cultural revolution 6, and rewriting the new history is in agreement with "progressive people of the Soviet Union? 7.

  Despite the investment made in the proceedings of diversion of knowledge past, "history front? tired in the late '50 8. Recovery was past national cautious, since those years, to continue the late 60's which coincided with a vague and modest liberalization started relas ideological 9. Starting in '70, the official policy makes its whole history, which is vested with the task of creating ideological myths function card, and then to serve the cult of Ceausescu's delirious. The past has become view that the ideas presented were designed and new image has become synonymous with the power that he wanted to create one. Myths era will be released in November by a real campaign on ethnogenesis. The new vision of national identity is built from the historical roots of the nation, the idea of Latin, the unity and Westernization. Moreover, the West will be perceived as the main external source of support for building a modern national 10. Both the Soviet Union and the famous phrase "light comes from the East?, Relaunched the Sadoveanu were put in brackets. Gradually returned to traditional spelling and the growing Romanian Romanian language, with an emphasis discreetly at first, but then more clearly, the idea of Latin.

  PCR is invested by the new Apparatchik of historiography to achieve continuity between past and present. Essential elements in this "feature for continuity? is permanent aspiration to unity of the Romanians and "continual fight? for independence. All the great ideals of the past are beginning to gravitate around the party. The first sign of new directions is the reassessment of the role of the Romanian communists in the act of August 23, 1944. Years old interpretation of "obsedantului decade?, Assigning" issue? only the Red Army, is left to support the role of major historical Romanian communists.

  In 1964, Romanian are published notes on Karl Marx's first post-war work in the tsarist policy in the Romanian, but especially in Bessarabia - forbidden topic at that point - is strongly criticized. The 20,000 copies of the works be exhausted in just two days. Paper accredit a new vision of historiography: the compatibility between communism and anti-Russian nationalism. And everything can be solved in strict teaching of Marxism, since the very founder of the working class ideology denounced Russian expansionism. In addition, the "Russian? and "Soviet? readers were invited to the discreet not identify any difference. Marx's notes will be included in Volume III of the new synthesis of the history of Romania. As the ideological subordination of history, in a straight line.

  Theses in July 1971 and Ceausescu's speech to the RCP CC Plenum in November that year complement the work of historiography was finally integrated the ideological front. Full consecration of this guidance is achieved by including a large chapter of history in the PCR program adopted in 1974, Congress XI. In the 18 pages devoted to history, under the direct supervision of Ceausescu to build all the historical myths of communism later. Main themes in the years to come, is, in nuce, in the program 11. In 1976, Ceausescu asked "historical front? to develop a history "final? (?) Of the Romanians, in 10 volumes, on the basis of truth "targets, not conjectural?, A history of PCR, a history of progressive and revolutionary movement, a history of the world ... and so on, until exhausted past scheduled. Favorite themes of historiography, present more strongly in the official discourse of the regime become Daco-Roman origin and continuity ideals of unity and independence. Dacomania translates into massive action recreation of the myth of antiquity and historical superiority of the Romanians. The age, origin and language are the theoretical support of this strange superiority complex. In the late '70s, ethnogenesis became the main obsession of power and true theme nucleic foundation myth. Increasingly present in "historical field?, Ceausescu insists near the International Congress of historical sciences, held in Bucharest in the summer of 1980, as historians to reflect on their work, the historical development of the Romanian unit and fight for independence and national sovereignty. In the 80s, national history is subject to the requirements of axiological Trinity: unity, continuity, independence.

  In 1975, the RCP CC plenum set the first year of training centralized and independent Dacian state by Burebista anniversary celebration proclaimed in 1980, has 2050 years of statehood. Romanian ethnic body is exorcism of any foreign influence Dacian nucleus, while a veritable campaign of denial of any role in the process of migratory history. Hence, chauvinism theory. Slav element, once overwrought, disappears completely in ethnogenesis. Full argument ethnic units, based on the idea of racial purity and language is a clear manifestation of will Ceausescu's totalitarian regime.

  After you have identified and aligned with the historical premises of communism that was for employment history PCR national history. Recovery of PCR history for the benefit of the national delimitation tradition started by the Comintern policy, a policy considered a type imperial domination. PCR, the historical avant-garde could not be, in this view, than national. Just unfortunate Comintern policy could overshadow the meaning of the National Opera of PCR. Obviously, underlying insinuate a division of Soviet policy. Thus duplicating in a form sui - generis method of hitting romantic past now. Moreover, Ceausescu did not hesitate to glorify the communist militant idealism and make use of the word "revolutionary romanticism?. Purity and idealism (sic) Romanian communists were, in other words, poppy by the Comintern.

  In the years 1975 and 1976, the regime fostered a sustained argument with conservative Soviet historiography. By contrast anachronism Soviet historians, availability for a general session open to the horizons and dedogmatizate interpretation of Romanian colleagues, was designed to induce a species of patriotism recovery. Moreover, in his deferential occasioned to 45 - the anniversary of the creation of PCR, Ceausescu criticized hardness kominternist internationalism, because the education Congress in 1976 to do the same in terms of historiography obedience '50s. The pinnacle of this ideological offensive that has targeted the political objective historical subordination of PCR was Ceausescu's speech of May 1981 on the occasion of the anniversary celebration of 60 years to create PCR. On this occasion launched formula full of history PCR melting in the national and sublimation of PCR, the climax of the Romanians' struggle for independence. Other major lines of history PCR were declared by him to prevent the country and proclaiming fascization coup of August 23, 1944, as national anti-fascist and anti-imperialist revolution. The cycle of recovery appeared to have reached its peak. Remains concentrated in only magic formula slogans Party - Ceausescu - Romania, or Ceausescu - Romania, which summarized the ceausismului paranoid vision. Playing with history and words, the regime lost the meaning of both. Nothing mattered but the huge operation amalgamation of history, traditions and language into one? single unit?. New gaselnita historians will service to run tons of ink.

  Proposing national interest as its policy objective of multilateral PCR erija the receptacle of all national aspirations. Independence was intended to end industrialization, and history itself was subordinate to the objective. The instrument of this policy was the national sentiment, while the aim was to legitimize the PCR and its policy to mobilize the nation to build socialism in Romania.

  National Communism was structured, gradually, as a systemic vision. Without an economic stake, however, historical or cultural nationalism remained suspended. Consequently, economic nationalism has become a central objective of the policy regime. Base economic independence is defined in the famous statement of April 1964. The controversy related to the plan can Valev was staged and caused prompt reaction and corifeilor nervous system. Policy of economic independence and ancestors are found and recovered. Starting republishing economic operator's A.D. Xenopol D.P. Martian, Stephen Zeletin. Economic nationalism led to a dramatic political development, Romania succeeded by the year 1977, have one of the largest economic development rates in the world. Signs of economic development policy stalemate beginning to show extensive since the early '80s when sharp drop in living standards and chronic shortages of official policy generating disengagement population 12. The economic crisis of the '80s became inevitable, it resulting from the inherent nature of the model extensively, megalomania apparatului pornography and ideological orthodoxy, unable to handle real reforms. Victim nationalism was but agriculture industry that has had only a minor increase. Economic megalomania has resulted in disproportionate investment in oil and the construction of channels, which have exhausted the financial resources of the country. People were hungry and asked, instead, patriotic sacrifices. Nationalism fails miserably at all.

  Last redoubt of economic nationalism was mobilizing people for external debt by the year 1990 13. He succeeded, as usual, ahead of schedule in the spring of '89. Population and to serve a frantic plea for national pride. Starved and beaten, the population has not responded scenario officials.

  The regime successfully harnessed, but only until the early 80's policy of independence and international relations. Thus, Romania was the first country in Eastern Europe that received preferential treatment in economic relations with the common market and in 1976 was received by the Group of 77, gaining most favored nation clause in the U.S.. All but only lasted until the early '80s, when the economic crisis forced the regime to intensify relations with the East, the share of the West decreased gradually.

  Pump "new agricultural revolution? launched in the same years will get stuck, in turn, the intricate itele party propaganda. Unaccompanied by a real reform and betting everything on the ethos of forced mobilization, false agricultural revolution has been more than a product of ideological ceausismului missed later.

  But the most spectacular results of Romanian national-communism can be found in foreign policy. It is a matter in which the propensity to invest in, managing to impose international public opinion, the image of an independent Romania. By the early '80s, this policy of insubordination to Moscow and open to the free world has convinced bringing laurels of gratitude Ceausescu. But failure Pacepa, former head of intelligence, will gradually produce a disastrous impact on the system, substantially changing Western perceptions of the actual substance of the Romanian foreign policy. West take note of the game's Histrionic Ceausescu delimitându it gradually and I slippages sanctionându totalitarian. By the '70s, the regime has managed to raise patriotism and national pride, which had provided support to domestic affairs. But in the '80s, the country's international isolation forced Ceausescu to a new economic approach to Moscow.

  Independent policy of the Ceausescu regime was always a double standard. Thus, internal pendant courageous demonstrations of international politics was strictly attachment to Marxist ethos. It appears, moreover, tolerance explanation Moscow to Ceausescu's regime 14. Policy open to all azimuths was built on two main axes: the demarcation of policy regimes in Moscow and openness to different ideologies.

  In 60 years, Gheorghiu-Dej's regime profited from the conflict Sino - Soviet friendship with Tito, in order to widen the margin of international action. Interesting is that the launch of the new policy began with the left, namely the failure of action in 1963, to mediate the conflict between Moscow and Beijing. This failure was meant to precipitate institutionalization of new directions, through the Declaration of April 1964. In the new political circumstances, the system resumes diplomatic relations with Tirana, in 1963, that Tito's visit to Bucharest in April 1966, to provide new foreign policy directions, the first significant international support. The next step is termination by Ceausescu, since 1966, the anachronistic policy of military blocs. This gesture, it is limiting participation of Romania in the military maneuvers of the Warsaw Pact and the refusal to provide for the conduct of their national territory.

  Year 1967 brings the resumption of diplomatic relations with Germany and Bucharest abstention to be solidary with condemnation of Israel by the communist countries, following the onset of the Six Day War. The pinnacle of the political directions consumed in 1968, when Ceausescu backs reform Al. Dubcek, Czechoslovakia and refuses to participate in the invasion of the country, with Warsaw Pact troops. International impact of this gesture is overwhelming, he assuring a solid and broad Ceausescu international recognition that will last until the early '80s. In 1975, Romania obtain most favored nation clause in the U.S.. But Ceausescu's ambiguities come up in the '80s, when Romania can no longer ensure the specificity of its foreign policy. Nationalist rhetoric of the system is being unable to adapt to changes in the international political scene.

  Ultraconservator end of Brezhnev's regime, the new orientation of the United States under the administration of Ronald Reagan and the onset of the Polish Solidarity trade union actions are actions that will have a direct impact on the regime in Bucharest, contributing to its international isolation. Of course, the root causes of this crisis are, above all, the procedure. Unprecedented moral crisis and the economic and social degradation of the population fall, primarily in the causal series. These domestic and international challenges, the Ceausescu regime has opposed a primitive nationalist rhetoric, which sought to mobilize Romanian national pride. Contradicted by the new course of international relations, nationalism, the Romanian foreign policy is eroding but apace. The first significant defeat is caused by the Afghan issue. If in 1979, Ceausescu condemned Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1980 he was forced to sign the Warsaw Declaration which defend Moscow. The second significant failure is generated by Polish businesses that develop in the face dramatically limits the autonomy of Bucharest. Much clamatul principle of non-intervention in internal affairs of another state is contradicted act, the gesture of condemning Ceausescu's Solidarity trade union movement and, subsequently, gave permission for the declaration of the state of emergency Jaruzelski in Poland.

  The disarmament, Ceausescu launched on a lane which he independently initiated a peace offensive megalomaniac not convince anyone, much less on Romanian. Nothing in the Middle East file, Ceausescu has something important to offer. The phasing out of Moscow from the peace process meant that Romania's position not to have the object, although Ceausescu persevered to clip principles.

  General John Michael Pacepa Fugue in 1978 and his revelations put the Ceausescu regime in an extremely embarrassing situation. Disclosure proportions economic espionage practiced by Romanian embassies in the West and especially the double game of Ceausescu to free countries, with the consent and complicity of the USSR were the coup de grace that finally repudiated the regime 15.

  In the early '80s, the Soviet threat no theme, so persistent in the collective mind could not remain incomplete. Silence patriotic, obtained under the fear of Russians finally eroded under the weight of a fabric Romanian nationalist who not only brought poverty and moral degradation. In turn, ideological peace, gained with the price display insistent Marxist orthodoxy - Leninist loses any relevance in terms of launching the reform program Andropov and Gorbachev.

  Double standard policy, developed so Gheorghiu-Dej and Ceausescu is part of an old Romanian tradition and political philosophy, dictated by the need to adapt to the political subtleties of the great neighboring empires. This was managed with relative success by Romanian princes, whose foreign policy followed a classical scheme: even if you install and dedicated to power by the Turks, they are rebelling against their suzerain whenever opportunity could develop policies alternatives. At first glance, this solution of continuity seems to be contradicted by vasalitatea Romanian communists who took power from the first decade have shown a ultraortodoxa obedience. Medieval political games have generated to build a political philosophy based on the idea of survival of the state in terms of compromise. Preeminence remains a constant state of Romanian political thought and practice, the idea being deployed even by neo-liberalism. Ideal and comprehensive state ideology corresponded and maintained an oriental mentality, accustomed to sacrifice the internal freedoms of groups, for the manifestation of solidarity around the state institutions.

  Although the official discourse of the communist regime in the 50s predominate manifestations of subordination to the internationalist Bolshevik model, and cleaning any residue nationalist seems definite, underlying the regime built a nationalist alternative - statist 16. And if Dej accepted without protest last Soviet economic exploitation, if he has eliminated all its enemies and coordinated persecution of former Romanian political elites, whether past metamorfozarea a true tabula rasa remodeling allowed social, political, economic and cultural development of Romania , after the Soviet block, when he initiated the policy of autonomy from Moscow had been both the party and people. This type of behavior sends us Princely model. Political success of princes and popular mythology is based on the Byzantine lord, the complicity and support of groups crowd Boyar, located usually in competition with others. Grouping oppressed as a result of this policy resume, in turn, the cycle of oppression, with others, but with identical results. And it never oprimatii as "failed to build a society neopresiva? (Simone Veil). Obsession powerful state, both mentally and ideologically from an Asian, it allowed the survival of institutions, however, depleted by exhaustion society through voluntary acceptance of the limitation of alternatives. Princely prestige model, the extraction Byzantine mind is so strong in Romanian, that Ceausescu could exploit without significant resistance from the intellectual elite, seduse of historical myths and tolerant of authoritarian power. If only high Dej propileele this building with historical roots, Ceausescu has completed the work. And elites, both the crowds enthusiastically participated in the priestly ceremony. Frenzy recovery princely mythology, overbid content and meaning of political action of the great princes, or the medieval obsession with unity of continuity "neântrerupte? (Sic!) Were the major themes and concerns of ideologues historicism in later years of Ceausescu's regime. Ceausescu and his place in the historical gallery continuators great princes was one of the most important investment in the symbolic level. Official historiography has adapted the techniques of political recroirii objective interpretation of history, or past programming under what was called, emphatically, as "commands present time?. It was a grotesque scale operation, the abdication of the profession's ethical joints. The scene with the prince of a new type, with scepter and unlimited power was not merely butaforie and not only had the player Ceausescu. A cohort of Apparatchik, of which not a few historians have worked with the sarge and deep irresponsibility in this scenario. The results abdication and the fall in the ridiculous there is still, not only in the guild and the prestige of the profession of history, but the Romanian society as a whole, the company unable to discern between rigor and imposture, between truth and deliberately false. Myth "hero among heroes of the nation? not only creation "which led us sick?, but the elites who have betrayed the mission. Of course, some historians will disagree with these conclusions on the history of the communist years later overbid or ancilare acceptance condition. Only careful and unprejudiced reading of the operation to mobilize the popular mythology of the all-powerful princes and redeeming the benefit of tezism degrading operation done by historians of Ceausescu's court, will generate questions that are impossible to answer, if persevere to separate national-communism simplistic view about the traditions of Romanian medieval statehood.

  But Ceausescu had to seek political models so far, in medieval times, though having to do with the measure. It was handy authoritarian regime of Charles II. King seize in its action by authoritarian political complicity of intellectuals, of most politicians and crowds. As historians, we have at hand sufficient examples. Thus, many authors and beneficiaries of this historic time engineers Charles II by the communist regime have been rehabilitated and put to work in the service of "the new prince?.

  Nationalism Communist leaders may be suspected of lack of sincerity, of histrionism and inconsistencies in relation to traditional nationalisms 17. For this reason, it is defined as a Communist version of nationalism. But you discover the roots and patterns is an impiety to the past. Just as the settlement history of icon frames is a way of knowledge, but a ritual.

  National Communism is a critical later in the person of Ion Iliescu. After serving this political philosophy, both under Gheorghiu-Dej and under Ceausescu, Ion Iliescu newest national-communism is convinced that replaced the process of de-Stalinization 18. When he was honest Ion Iliescu, during the revolutionary youth and the maturity nomenklaturiste, or in 2004, when he lined up (still an operation conducted) newest political ideas? Who will do radiography Ion Iliescu's political thinking will be armed with patience. And if rashly will come from another cultural area, certainly that would have great difficulty in understanding "meandering concrete?.

  He spoke of scenario or model Phanariot, which, moreover, it develops that the "nobility of cinuri?. It was possible weakness in terms of civil society and the lack of an independent aristocracy. In this case, a pseudo-elite used the goal, managing to make cohabitation with governments, which ensured stable social and economic positions. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this behavior was adapted and continued demands of liberal regimes and the autocratic 19. This type of continuity perverse, resistant test of time and recycled, compared with the imperatives of the moment, is typical of the companies delayed the steps required to burn mentality and projects and manage heterogeneous, often contradictory. Ceausescu coabitat the myths on it apparatul served as the company offered and assured popular support, in extremis, legitimacy. National Communism is therefore only a disease of the maximum leader, but the Romanian society, which participated with enthusiasm and partially unconscious, in this ritual.